March 18, 2014

Post-soviet Ukraine: Les jeux sont faits

...ou pas encore? 

The note that follows has been originally published on 6/1/2005, 
on a site that had preceeded this one, as part of the same project. 
The site is not available anymore, yet we think that the text by      
comrade R.S. reproduced verbatim is still worth to read.              
One should never forget that                                                         
Memory is an essential part of itelligence!...                             
                           

The "orange revolution" gives serious rise to questions about spontaneous mouvements in the post-soviet era; that’s the least one can say about the huge demonstrations held in Kiev by early December. Apart from that, in order to understand Ukraine’s present, it is neccessary to see the whole picture. So, what has been really happening in Ukraine the last ten years? Who are rulling, and what kind of stakes are about to be played?

Yushchenko [1] has been offically elected at the third round of the presidential elections, with more than 51%. According to media reports [2] the Bush administration has spent over 65 million $ for backing Yushchenko (a budget comparable to some 70 million $ given to the troops of late Djindjic, when Clinton was in the White House).

Many analysts have underlined the similarities between the Ukrainian case and what already has happened to Georgia: an OTPOR-Soros-like massive demonstrations wave, based on a strong yet shallow consent of the cities population, with supports in the core of state apparatus (including diplomacy and special services) along with strong disapproval of the corrupted rulers on place. Let’s find some more similarities that have been rather dissimulated to the western public opinion: both Kuchma and Shevardnaze have been initially given strong support by western Powers (the States, european Powers, IMF...) 
Both have overthrown local leaders, more or less willing to play the game of a post-soviet state coalition leaded by Russia. Both have accomplished the same program: dismantling of the residues of soviet State, privatisation of the economy, stabilisation of the ethnic conflicts blusted allover the place by the early ’90s. Both have changed their policy with the years, to finally turn to Moscow. Both "godfathers" have been beaten by one of their best "gunmen", meanwhile fallen in disgrace. In both cases, americans and europeans had been acting in real concern (the latter being a kind of subcontractors to the former); in Tbilissi, they have their own (wo)men inside the government; this will be probably the case in Kiev too. Of course, there are many differences too; but, to put it in simple terms, "Ukraine is not Georgia" can summarize differences, while "imperialism is always imperialism" is a fairly appropriate box to put similarities together in.

The mandates of the new government

Yushchenko as Kuchma’s central banker and prime-minister, has adopted some of the most abrupt economic reforms, that had created a severe social shock. Now he questions the privatisation proccess, that gave rise to a winning handful of powerful robber-barons controling banking and heavy manifacturing industries (like Rinat Achmetov, Victor Pinchuk or Victor Medvechuk).

These "winners" have all reasons for supporting strong ties with Moscow, the main goods importer and energy provider of Ukraine. Yushchenko’s political allies represent the "loosing" part of clans, an original mixture of self-made billionaires controling entire sectors of socio-political life too (like party leader and multi-millionaire Poroshenko, 39 or the gaz princess Tymoshenko, 44) that has choosen a fortiori or has been selected for the american support. According to Poroshenko [3], the new government has to apply painful impopular reforms such as tax increases (that would certainly lead to price adjustments for basic goods -R.S.), reorganizing of social policy funding (ie demolition of anything that still reminds the social protection of youth, ill, elderly etc. in the soviet era -R.S.) abolition of protectionist policies for heavy steel and carbon industry (that have helped to keep in power the pro-russian clans -R.S.), and so on.

The privatization of the steel giant Krivoroshstal in June 2004, undertaken by Pinchuk - Kuchma’s son-in-law - and Achmetov for 800 millions $ is to be recondidered; notice that these two oligarchs of the Donetsk clan won over US Steel and two russian companies (Severstal and Evrasholding) [4].
This very liberal modernization program would result to an Ukrainean application to join the UE and surely to become a member of NATO. This is the deal as far as we can know.

Interests collide
It seems that Ukraine is the land where interests of three key players in the world scene, that is three main imperialist powers, collide: the USA, Russia, and Europe (Germany). The US use Poland [5] as their Gauleiter, with a promise made to Polish to let them take control over western Ukraine. They also try to introduce into ukrainean political life a part of an extremely reactionary community of ukrainean émigrés [6], like they already did with success in the baltic States, Bulgaria and Albania - and with less success in Yugoslavia. They aim at containing Russia’s expansion, and fear a future russo-chinese consortium [7]. Their tactics seem to proceed by steps: first, make the post-soviet economic integration infeasible; then, prepare a succession of Putin, based to some clones of Nemtzov and company. Ukraine is a master piece to this puzzle, with its seaports being a neccesary pass point for russian trade and with 80% of russian gaz supplies to Europe passing through the ukrainean pipe network. Belarus will probably come through the same treatment in the near future: although there isn’t yet any strong NGO local network, an OTPOR-like organization is probably being mounted...
On the other side, Russia wants all of Ukraine under control; this seems to be a crucial part of Putin’s mid-term plans to restore a zone of influence around Russia, based on strong economy ties, and long-term plans to become a strategic ally for China. Trying to realize these ambitions, Putin is accused of exceeding cynicism, and this is partly true; his role as a CEO of Russia Inc. does not allow him to contain himself to pirouette-politics, as his western colleagues do in their expensive parlementary shows! To put it in a simple way: Russian emerging state capitalism is taking off now; it has not an automatic pilot as Europeans or Americans, or even Chinese have.
Last but not least, Germany wants to control both Poland and Ukraine, to exploit markets and cheap, highly qualified human potential through massive capital investment. In the near future, it is not unthinkable to see a Russian-German partnership, willing to shrink the american-backed Polish ambitions. An interesting question is then wether Russians and Germans would try to gain influence in Polish politics, through a government change.

An explosive perspective

Dislocating Ukraine [8].

 R.S.
[1] Iouchtchenko in French, Juschtschenko in German, Ющенко in Russian/Ukrainian
[2] Mat Kelley AP 11-12-2004
[3] Interview published in Le Monde 4-1-2005
[4] Neue Zürcher Zeitung, 30 and 31-12-2004, articles by Ulrich Schmidt
[5] assisted by the baltic States and, to a lesser extend, the Czechs
[6] including pro-Nazi nationalist freaks (Banderists) that have supported Yushchenko by all means. For more on pro-Yushchenko fascistoïds, see for example the article by John Laughland published in the Spectator, 28-11-2004
[7] See on this issue Mark Almond’s article in the New Statesman, 6-12-2004
[8] Article by Jean-Marie Chauvier in Le Monde Diplomatique, January 2005

March 10, 2014

Луганск, 9/3/2014

Παραιτήθηκε ο διορισμένος από τα ανδρείκελα του Κίεβου κυβερνήτης του Λουγκάνσκ, Μιχαήλ Μπαλότσκιχ (Михаил Болотских). Ο τέως κυβερνήτης διέφυγε με αυτοκίνητο χρησιμοποιώντας την «οδό διαφυγής» που τού άφησε το πλήθος που πολιόρκησε το κυβερνείο.


Όλα τα δημοσιογραφικά «λεφτά» είναι τώρα η καταγραφή των λαϊκών διαθέσεων στο Ντανιέτσκ, το Λουγκάνσκ, και αλλού στην ανατολική Ουκρανία. Κάποιο κρίσιμο κατώφλιο φαίνεται να ξεπερνιέται. Κάποιοι, όχι νοσταλγικοί, μιλούν για σοβιέτ.

March 09, 2014

Άνοιγμα Τσίπρα με φυλακισμένο αγωνιστή

...της κοινωνίας των πολιτών, που κινείται στο χώρο της ευρύτατης ακρο-κεντροαριστεράς/δεξιάς με αντιμνημονιακές διαθέσεις. Με τεράστια εμπειρία στο στήσιμο αγώνων, ασυμβίβαστος διανοούμενος με αξιοσημείωτη συμβολή στην ανάλυση του υποκειμενικού παράγοντα, πολιτικός κρατούμενος για τη δράση του. Διεθνώς γνωστός. Ξέρει και μπορεί να κερδίσει και το στοίχημα της τοπικής αυτοδιοίκησης!

March 04, 2014

Venezuela: los cachorros de la reacción


Luis Hernández Navarro 


Lorent Saleh es un joven venezolano de 25 años, de lengua flamígera, que estudió comercio exterior. Es una de las cabezas visibles de la coalición que busca derrocar al presidente Nicolás Maduro. Dirige la organización Operación Libertad, que ubica al castro-comunismo cubano como el enemigo principal de Venezuela.

 Loreth comenzó su faena contra la revolución bolivariana en 2007. Desde entonces no ha dado tregua. Lo mismo organiza huelgas de hambre que campañas como Chávez miente. Aunque hace años abandonó las aulas, se presenta aún como líder estudiantil. Y, aunque no tiene empleo conocido, viaja por América Latina para tratar de aislar al gobierno de Maduro.
El joven Saleh tiene buenos amigos en diversos países. En Colombia, por ejemplo, lo cobijan y promueven la Alianza Nacionalista por la Libertad y Tercera Fuerza, agrupaciones neonazis ( El Espectador, 21/7/13).

Vanessa Eisig es una simpática chica rubia de 22 años, que usa gafas y se describe en su cuenta de Twitter como guerrera de luz y bígama, casada con mi carrera y con Venezuela. Estudia comunicación en la Universidad Andrés Bello y confiesa que, al participar en las protestas, siente que hace historia.

Vanessa es militante de Juventud Activa Venezuela Unida (JAVU). Exige la deposición del usurpador Nicolás Maduro y de todo su gabinete. La organización tiene como emblema un puño derecho de color blanco, que –dice la joven– “es signo de resistencia y de burla al socialismo".

JAVU, que impulsa la iniciativa Operación Libertad, ha desempeñado un papel relevante en los actuales disturbios que se viven en Venezuela. Fundada en 2007, la organización se define como una plataforma juvenil de resistencia, que busca derribar los pilares que sostienen a un gobierno que menosprecia la Constitución, vulnera nuestros derechos y entrega nuestra soberanía a las órdenes de los decrépitos hermanos Castro.

En su comunicado del 22 de febrero de este año, JAVU denunció que fuerzas extranjeras han sitiado militarmente a Venezuela. Sus mercenarios nos atacan de manera vil y salvaje. Su objetivo es esclavizarnos. Para conseguir su libertad, señalan, es vital defender la soberanía de la nación, expulsando a los comunistas cubanos que se encuentran usurpando el gobierno y la Fuerza Armada.
JAVU está inspirada y tiene estrecha relación con Otpor, que en español significa Resistencia, y con el Centro para la aplicación de acciones y estrategias no violentas (Canvas, por sus siglas en inglés). Otpor fue un movimiento estudiantil creado en Serbia para remover del gobierno al presidente Slobodan Milósevic en 2000, que recibió financiamiento de agencias gubernamentales estadunidenses. Canvas es la cara renovada de Otpor.

El gurú de esos grupos es el filósofo Gene Sharp, que reivindica la acción no violenta para derrocar gobiernos. Sharpe fundó el Instituto Albert Einstein, promotor de las llamadas revoluciones de colores en países que no son afines a los intereses de la OTAN y Washington.

Cables difundidos por Wikileaks hicieron público que Canvas –presente en Venezuela desde 2006– elaboró para la oposición de ese país un plan de acción, en el que propone que sean los grupos estudiantiles y los actores no formales los capaces de construir una infraestructura y explotar su legitimidad en la lucha contra el gobierno de Hugo Chávez.

La relación entre JAVU, Otpor y Canvas es muy estrecha. Como confesó Marialvic Olivares, militante del grupo de extrema derecha: las organizaciones internacionales que nos están apoyando en este momento siempre han estado de la mano con nosotros, no solamente en cuestiones de protesta, sino en cuestiones de formación, y nosotros con ellos siempre hemos estado de la mano. No nos da vergüenza, no nos da miedo decirlo.

Pero los vínculos entre los jóvenes dirigentes estudiantiles venezolanos y los think tanks y agencias de cooperación de derecha van mucho más allá de la alianza con Otpor/Canvas. Diversas fundaciones estadunidenses han financiado abiertamente al movimiento disidente. También han contado con el apoyo del Partido Popular de España y con la organización juvenil de Silvio Berlusconi en Italia.

Es el caso del joven abogado Yon Goicoechea, estrella rutilante de las protestas de 2007 y que ahora estudia una maestría en la Universidad Columbia, después de afiliarse al partido de Henrique Capriles y abandonarlo cuando no le dieron una diputación. En 2008 fue generosamente recompensado por su compromiso de lucha contra Hugo Chávez. El Instituto Cató le entregó el premio Milton Friedman para la Libertad, dotado de medio millón de dólares.

Otra fuerza que ha desempeñado un papel relevante en la intentona por deponer a Maduro es el Movimiento Social Universitario 13 de Marzo, organización estudiantil que actúa en la Universidad de los Andes. Su dirigente más conocido es Nixon Moreno, antiguo estudiante de ciencias políticas, acusado de violar a Sofía Aguilar, ahora prófugo y exiliado en Panamá.

Estos jóvenes saben lo que hacen: promover la desestabilización política. Reciben financiamiento internacional. Militan en las filas de la ultraderecha y el anticomunismo. Son xenófobos. Están vinculados con organizaciones nazis y conservadoras en varios países. Y marchan codo a codo con políticos de la derecha radical como Leopoldo López, María Corina Marchado y Antonio Ledezma.

A pesar de recibir todos estos apoyos, Lorent Saleh, de Operación Libertad, se lamenta: Estamos tremendamente solos. En parte tiene razón. Entre los jóvenes latinoamericanos no despiertan simpatía ni solidaridad. Por el contrario, suscitan desconfianza y repudio. Y es que se les ve el plumero. Su causa nada tiene que ver con el ideario del movimiento estudiantil-popular mexicano de 1968. No en balde los combativos estudiantes chilenos los repudiaron públicamente. Para ellos, los cachorros de la reacción son impresentables.

Versión griega - Μετάφραση στα Ελληνικά

February 26, 2014

Για την Ουκρανία


Αύριο, ένα σχόλιο. Προς το παρόν, συγνώμη στον τακτικό ή περαστικό αναγνώστη - οι δουλειές των συντακτών έτρεχαν τόσο γρήγορα, στη μικροκοσμική τους κλίμακα, όσο τα νερά στις γέφυρες του Δνείπερου. Για μια συνοπτική κρίση, παραπέμπω εδώ.

UPDATE 3/3/2014:  Πάντα ασυνεπής... Εκκρεμεί το σχόλιο για το συντομότερο δυνατόν! Μέχρι τότε, μια γεύση από τα μπουμπούκια της νέας κυβέρνησης στην περιοχή του Ντανιέτσκ (τα παρόμοια και στο Χάρκοβο). Σαν τα μπουμπούκια της παλιάς.  Επιβεβαιώνεται και πάλι το ιστορικό συμπέρασμα, οτι δεν μπόρεσε ποτέ να υπάρξει «δημοκρατική παλινόρθωση» του καπιταλιστικού καθεστώτος: ο πιο αναίμακτος δρόμος γι αυτό, είναι η επέλαση αρπακτικών ορδών. Πράγμα που θέτει τους όρους και τις προδιαγραφές για τη μελλοντική αντεπίθεση στην οποία οδηγούμαστε - με την ισχύ της ιστορικής νομοτέλειας.



February 21, 2014

February 12, 2014

Παραποιημένες φωτογραφίες

Ο Χορστ Ράιχενμπαχ δε δαγκώνει λέμε
Ηνωμένος Τύπος (πρώτος μεταξύ ίσων πρακτορείων)


Πριν:


Μετά:

...αργότερα:



Το πρακτορείο

...και η αποθέωση, από άλλους συναδέλφους:



Ως είθισται, η σχετική είδηση αναπαράχθηκε αφειδώς από μπλόγκερς που δεν κάνουν τίποτα να κρύψουν τη δική τους επίμονη ασθένεια.

February 11, 2014

ŽIVEO NARODNI USTANAK U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI!

Od:  Nova komunistička partija Jugoslavije (NKPJ), Savez komunistička omladine Jugoslavije (SKOJ) i Studentski front (SF)

 

Najpre, pozdraljamo hrabru, predanu i požrtvovanu borbu radnika u Tuzli. Radnici i omladino Tuzle , već smo pisali da vaše borba, ukoliko opstane i istraje, može pokrenuti čitavu BiH. Pisali smo da je njen prvenstveni cilj sve veće udruživanje naroda i čvršća povezanost radničke klase čitave Bosne i Hercegovine. Bilo je neophodno da čitava BiH stane iza vas kako bi vaša borba urodila plodom. Do progresivnih promena na nivou vašeg grada može doći jedino ako ih bude na nivou čitave zemlje. Vi ste taj zadatak ispunili. Još jednom ste se dokazali kao najborbeniji deo naroda naše domovine Jugoslavije. Pokazali ste da čvrsto sledite onu odvažnost i hrabrost kakvu su imali inicijatori i učesnici slavne „Husinske bune“. Sada ishod vaše borbe zavisi od ishoda borbe čitavog naroda Bosne i Hercegovine.
Narode Bosne i Hercegovine , vi ste danas ustali protiv svoje pro-imperijalističke buržoaske vlade, protiv sistema i državnog kursa koga ona zastupa. Taj sistem je varvarski kapitalizam koji je za sobom ostavio stravičnu bedu i pustoš. Od presudnog je značaja da ga prepoznate kao takvog, i jasno poručite da se borite protiv njega. Reuspostavljanje kapitalizma na prostoru naše socijalističke domovine Jugoslavije, inicirano, organizovano i pomagano od strane imperijalističkih sila dovelo je do očajne situacije u kojoj se nalazimo. Vi se danas borite za svoje materijalne interese, ti interesi direktno su suprotstavljeni interesima vladajuće klase, predstavnicima kapitlizma – novoformiranoj buržoaziji. Ona se formirala iz redova onih koji su rasprodali narodnu imovinu, opljačkali privredu, izdali interese naroda cepajući ga i gurajući u besmislen rat za interese zapadnog imperijalizma, na kome su profitirali kako oni tako i strain kapitalisti.
Vi ste već pokazali visoki stepen socijalne svesti time što ste naglasili da se borite protiv buržoaske demokratije a za narodnu demokratiju. Time što ste odbili „podršku“ raznoraznih buržoaskih stranaka i svoju borbu okarakterisali kao radničku. Čestitamo vam na tome! Sada je važno da se socijalna svest dalje razvije i izgradi u socijalističku svest. U svest o tome kako i čime zameniti postojeći sistem. Socijalizam je ne samo alternativa već jedini put za prevazilaženje kapitalizma i njegovog nehumanog produkta – siromaštva radničke klase, njenog izrabljivanja od stane kapitalista prisvajanjem profita i otuđenjem proizvoda rada. Sada je vreme da se širom Bosne gromoglasno ori: „Smrt kapitalizmu! Živela narodna socijalistička revolucija!“
Pisali smo, takođe, da radničku pobunu u Tuzli pored cele BiH, prati i čitav prostor bivše Jugoslavije - naše jedine domovine, i pozivali na solidarnost i podršku toj borbi. Pozdravljamo sve sindikate i radničke organizacije širom bivše Jugoslavije koje su podržale borbu radničke klase u Tuzli i pozivamo ih da nastave sa podrškom. Pozdravljamo rad svih pro-jugoslovenskih grupa na društvenim mrežama koji predano prate, podržavaju i omogućavaju dostupnost informacija o događajima u Tuzli i širom Bosne te i na taj način stvaraju sve veću povezanost radnog naroda s našeg prostora. Sada kada je borba radnika u Tuzli prerasla u narodni ustanak, čitava bivša Jugoslavija budno prati dešavanja u BiH. Kao što uspeh borbe tuzlanskih radnika zavisi od borbe čitavog naroda BiH, tako i uspeh borbe BiH zavisi od toga da li će biti i drugih svenarodnog ustanka u regionu. Uspeh progresivnih promena na nivou BiH, biće moguć samo ukoliko dođe do progresivnih promena u čitavom okruženju, prvenstveno u bivšoj Jugoslaviji, što će dalje stvoriti odličnu platformu za progres na čitavom Balkanu.
Upozorili smo, takođe, i na kontra udar reakcionarnih i pro-buržuaskih snaga koji će uslediti i koji je usledio. On se ogleda u tome što razne buržoaske stranke pokušavaju profitirati na vašoj borbi. Razne vas nacionalističke snage u službi imperijalističkog kapitalizma pokušavaju podeliti i razdvojiti, time oslabiti i razoružati vašu borbu.
Narodi Bosne i Hercegovine – recite im odlučno NE! Podele su uzrok vašeg nezadovoljstva, one su uzrok očajnog materijalnog položaja u kome se nalazite. One su uzrok propasti najširih slojeva stanovništva Jugoslavije. Na podelama su profitirali samo korumpirani prokapitalistički političari, raznorazni „biznismeni“ i tajkuni, ratni profiteri i privatnici - predstavnici buržoaske klase. Vas su zatvorili u nacionalne torove a sebi sazidali dvorove, rasprodali narodnu imovinu, opljčkali privredu, razorili industriju i poljoprivredu a zdravstvo i školstvo učinili privilegijom bogatih.
Sada je vreme da dokažete narodno jedinstvo, da pokažete odlučnost i istrajnost. To ste u izvesnoj meri već pokazali time što su u vašoj pravednoj borbi udružena sva tri naroda koja žive u Bosni i Hercegovini i time što stalno pozivate na jedinstvo. Time ste na ispravnom putu jer pozivate u pomoć i radni narod drugih republika bivše Jugoslavije. Međutim, od presudnog je značaja da pokažete još veće jedinstvo time što ćete odlučno i ponosno stati pod jedinstvenu zastavu Bosne i Harcegovine. Ne postojeću državnu zastavu, pod njome se nikada nećete ujediniti, ona je simbol podeljenosti i imperijalističke okupacije zemlje. Već narodnu zastavu slavne i ponosne Socijalističke Republike Bosne i Hercegovine. Tom zastavom reći ćete bez ijedne reči sve ono što želite da kažete. Njena crvena boja označava radničku – proletersku borbu, to je simbol vaše trenutne borbe. Umanjena zastava Jugoslavije u njenom gornjem levom uglu simbol je narodnog jedinstva Bosne i Hercegovine i dostojni reprezent onoga što BiH u svojoj suštini jeste – Jugoslavija u malom. Pozivamo učesnike protesta širom BiH, da na ulice izađu sa ovim i drugim simbolima proleterske borbe u prvom redu crvenim zastavama i zastavom Jugoslavije. To je korak koji se sa nestrpljenjem očekuje i koji će biti inicijator ustanka radnog naroda protiv nepravde u svim ostalim jugoslovenskim republikama. Pokažite da se dosledno borite za interese radničke klase, za svoje interese.
NKPJ, SKOJ i Studentski front će dati svoj doprinos u vašoj pravednoj borbi, i već ovih dana će organizovati protestne akcije u znak solidarnosti sa radničkom klasom Bosne i Hercegovine. Pozdravljamo one sindikate policije koji su odličili da stanu na stranu radnika i prekinu sramnu službu čizmi pro-imperijalističkog kapitalističkog režima. Osuđujemo sve one koji to nisu učinili a vrše nasilje nad radnicima, penzionerima, studentima, učenicima i svim učesnicima u protestu.
NKPJ, SKOJ i SF nastavljaju podršku radničkom ustanku u Bosni i Hercegovini i pozivaju na ujedinjenje u okviru avangardne komunističke partije kakva je NKPJ, koja se bori za vlast radničke klase – za socijalizam!
NKPJ, SKOJ i SF nastavljaju da podržavaju i učestvuju u borbi radničke klase širom Jugoslavije. Mira, slobode i pravde nema bez uništenja kapitalizma.

Živeo ustanak radničke klase Bosne i Hercegovine!

Živela borba radnog naroda Jugoslavije protiv eksploatacije i imperijalizma!

Sekretarijat Nove komunističke partije Jugoslavije
Sekretarijat Saveza komunističke omladine Jugoslavije
Sekretarijat Studentskog fronta

Beograd 7. februar 2014.

January 06, 2014

Anatomy of a lobotomy

120 Dogs: Chinese Satirist's Tweet Takes All English News Media For A Ride

On 11 December 2013 at 02:38:07 UTC, the China-based online satirist personality known as Pyongyang Choi Seongho (or someone posing as him/her) posted a tweet to his/her Tencent Weibo account describing in detail how Kim Jongun had his uncle Jang Songtaek devoured by ravenous dogs. The original tweet can be seen here:
http://t.qq.com/p/t/312572016688539
 The page features a background image of cartoon Kim Jongun giving the middle finger to his people from a balcony while flanked by senior officers. Given that the username is "choiseongho000", it's also likely this is simply a copycat account mooching off Pyongyang Choi Seongho's good name. One example of his/her style is this amusing tweet posted on U.S. Thanksgiving Day that says, "Today is Thanksgiving Day. Thanksgiving Day is the day for giving thanks to Kim Jongun. The American people eat turkey to thank him. What do you people eat?" It also includes a poster of Kim Jongun in sunglasses saying, "Don't know how to be thankful, then you'll get shot."
http://t.qq.com/p/t/310283022424717

 More can be read about the Pyongyang Choi Seongho phenomenon at the links below:
http://beijingcream.com/2012/12/writer-choi-seongho-sina-weibo-star-dprk-patriot-brilliant-satirist/
http://www.wantchinatimes.com/news-subclass-cnt.aspx?id=20130418000086&cid=1103
http://www.theworldofchinese.com/article/weibos-premier-sino-satirists/
http://www.globaltimes.cn/content/775419.shtml

 Even in China and North Korea it would still have been the morning of December 11 when the tweet was posted. The following day on December 12, the Wen Wei Po news source in Hong Kong published an article quoting the tweet word-for-word:
http://news.wenweipo.com/2013/12/12/IN1312120039_2.htm

 A screenshot of the original tweet was included with the article on Wen Wei Po. The article also cites Pyongyang Choi Seongho by name as the original source. In addition to describing how Jang Songtaek and five accomplices were stripped naked, thrown in a cage, and fed to 120 wild dogs, the article also describes how Kim Jongun removed his uncle from power for supporting his exiled oldest brother Kim Jongnam in a potential power grab. It also says that no one else had the guts to arrest his uncle so they had to have Kim's second oldest brother Kim Jongchul come out of the woodwork to personally arrest him before fading back into obscurity because he'd be perceived as a threat himself if he actually tried to hold a senior government post. The Wen Wei Po article must have sounded plausible enough for the Straits Times in Singapore to publish the first piece in English on it on December 24:
http://www.straitstimes.com/the-big-story/asia-report/china/story/jangs-execution-bodes-ill-china-20131224

 From there, the story snowballed across the mainstream English news media and it still seems to have momentum. Major English news outlets from the U.S. to the UK to India to Russia have been publishing the report:
https://www.google.com/search?q=north+korea+dogs&tbm=nws


Several have also taken a more cautious approach to the story, citing analysts and experts, but still all missing the obvious fact that the original source of the Wen Wei Po story was a tweet from a known satirist or someone posing as him/her:
http://www.nknews.org/2014/01/rumor-jang-song-thaek-was-killed-by-hungry-dogs-re-emerges/
http://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/worldviews/wp/2014/01/03/no-kim-jong-un-probably-didnt-feed-his-uncle-to-120-hungry-dogs/
http://www.businessinsider.com/jang-song-taek-really-eaten-by-dogs-2014-1
http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/blogs-echochambers-25597324
http://blogs.telegraph.co.uk/news/timstanley/100252705/did-north-koreas-kim-jong-un-kill-his-uncle-with-120-starving-dogs/

 It's amusing that given our faith in modern global news media to get to the bottom of a story, no one has actually gone back to the Wen Wei Po article and caught this. All analysis in the swaths of content that have been devoted to this report since it came out stops abruptly at a linguistic wall between the English language Straits Times story and the Chinese language Wen Wei Po article.
 What do I take away from this? One, I'm reminded that language is always a barrier. Nowadays I think we imagine that global news organizations probably have multilingual experts from a wide variety of backgrounds covering all the bases. Maybe that's not the case. The ability of any one party to navigate fluidly across linguistic barriers will always be an advantage. Two, many Chinese news providers do sometimes play a little bit fast and loose with their sources when there is something that backs a viewpoint they support. Regardless of whether the tweet's content was true or false or whether the writer was aware of the source's reputation as a known satirist, Wen Wei Po saw it as something worth legitimizing. If Wen Wei Po is a government mouthpiece as some of the articles have said, then maybe that is telling. Or maybe not.

November 02, 2013

October 12, 2013

Dos criaturas del imperialismo estadounidense

 Capriles y Yoani Sánchez: criaturas de la CIA
 
 
 
 En mi entrega anterior argumenté el acierto del presidente Maduro al expulsar de Venezuela a Kelly Keiderling Franz, encargada de la embajada yanqui en Caracas.

Keiderling, oficial de caso (case officer) de la CIA a cargo del agente Henrique Capriles Radonsky había hecho la misma función en La Habana respecto al escritor Raúl Capote, el oficial Daniel de la seguridad cubana –y no David como erróneamente escribí debido a la premura periodística– quien, revelada su identidad, hizo públicas las verdaderas actividades de la diplomática.

El caso de Capriles Radonsky muestra cómo la CIA, en la guerra contra nuestros pueblos, engendra criaturas cuya verdadera personalidad nada tiene que ver con la imagen estereotipada por la abrumadora red de medios de difusión dominantes.

Millonario por ambas ramas familiares, propietarias de cadenas de medios de difusión y de cine así como de negocios inmobiliarios, y por ello muy influyentes políticamente, aunque no sabe lo que es trabajar para ganarse la vida, fue electo diputado y presidente de la Cámara de Diputados de la IV Republica a los 25 años sin tener antecedentes políticos, salvo pertenecer a la organización de ultraderecha Tradición, familia y propiedad. Debido a eso también llegó a gobernador del estado de Miranda, donde reside una gran concentración de clase media enajenada que lo religió.

Sin embargo, la CIA ha creado el espejismo de un Capriles líder popular de apariencia modesta, austera y hablar campechano. Le ha puesto especialistas en mercadotecnia electoral, que le han indicado calarse la gorra de pelotero y vestirse con ropa deportiva todo el tiempo, imitando precisamente el estilo de Hugo Chávez. La central de inteligencia ha entregado generosos fondos a su partido Primero Justicia a través del National Endowmente for Democracy, su brazo financiero. El trato cómplice a Capriles de CNN en español –empresa del pulpo Time-Warner– hasta el punto que el día de su derrota electoral por Maduro uno de sus conductores le dictaba descaradamente las respuestas que debía dar, muestra cómo se sostiene su falsa imagen.

No son casuales su proclamada identificación con Lula, aunque este afirmara que Chávez era su candidato, ni sus promesas de mantener las misiones chavistas, pese a que su verdadero programa de gobierno consiste en privatizar las empresas estatales, entregar el petróleo a Estados Unidos y aplicar un despiadado programa neoliberal. Nada nuevo, Hitler también usó el rojo de socialistas y comunistas, llamó socialista al partido nazi y reivindicó el 1º de mayo.

Algo semejante ocurre con la bloguera Yoani Sánchez, presentada como activista social pero en realidad golden girl de la contrarrevolución de Miami, homenajeada en esa ciudad por los más feroces enemigos de la revolución cubana como los veteranos de la invasión a Cuba por Bahía de Cochinos, el Consejo por la Libertad de Cuba (varios de cuyos miembros son terroristas) y legisladores cubanoestadunidenses como la cavernícola y sionista Ileana Ross-Lehtinen. Corresponsal de El País en Cuba con un salario de 2000 euros mensuales y vicepresidenta de la patronal Sociedad Interamericana de Prensa, brazo mediático del Pentágono y la CIA, donde recibe otro salariazo, su trayectoria no registra actividad a favor de causa social alguna. Convidada a México por la Coparmex, ¿puede alguien medianamente enterado creer que los impulsores de las privatizaciones, los impuestos para los pobres, la represión de la protesta social y el crecimiento cero, van a traer de conferencista de lujo a su foro de Acapulco a una verdadera luchadora social?

Otro tanto puede decirse respecto a la invitación de Sánchez a la reunión de las mentes más brillantes del planeta patrocinada, por cierto, por empresas tan socialmente responsables como Monsanto, Coca-Cola, Samsung y medios tan creíbles como Televisa, Forbes y Newsweek.

El blog y la cuenta en Twitter de la señora crecieron como la espuma. En cuestión de un año su cuenta tenía 214 mil seguidores y el blog, alojado en un sitio misterioso fuera de Cuba, aparecía en 18 idiomas. Esto en un país cuyo acceso a Internet está sujeto a enormes limitaciones tecnológicas debido al bloqueo yanqui. Recibió además el premio Ortega y Gasset y muchos otros con los que ha acumulado más de 250 mil euros. Viaja por el mundo a toda leche y gasta 300 mil euros anuales en tuitear. ¿Quién paga la factura?


Angel Guerra Cabrera

October 04, 2013

Haircut

Μετά το γενναίο haircut στον ελληνικό χιτλεροφασισμό που παρακολουθήσαμε σε ζωντανή ραδιοτηλεοπτική μετάδοση (η μονίμως παραλειπόμενη σύνδεση με τα προηγούμενα εδώ), θα επακολουθήσει ως είθισται επανακεφαλαιοποίησις των μετόχων οργάνων ταξικής καταστολής/εξουσίας (πολιτικό σύστημα, ΜΜΕ, εν γένει συμφυόμενη με την άρχουσα τάξη κρατική εξουσία). Ενδέχεται οι αντίστοιχες ανάγκες να μην είναι τόσο μεγάλες.  Μείνετε συντονισμένοι.    

September 15, 2013

Chile, once de Septiembre: imperialism teaches II

Indeed the nationalization process went on – within the existing bourgeois legal framework; more precisely, it had been based on a law passed since 1932, which typically had not been abolished, though it remained inactive and unknown even to most of lawyers.

Many more successes could be reported from the very first period of UP’s administration, such as 

  • the significant rise of the real income of workers,
  • the fall of unemployment from 8.8 % to 3 % and of infant mortality by 20,1 %. For the first time in the history of the country a universal health care system had been created. 

Other worth-to-mention successes of UP’s government action, include

  • spectacular progress in the field of literacy and public education;
  • expropriation of important latifundia, giving land to thousands of farmers;
  • reforestation of 600.000 acres;
  • foundation of farm cooperatives that began to change life in the village;
  • significant improvement of the situation of natives (“indios”).


 Such changes could be read as a vast capitalist modernization program; however, from the ruling class point of view, they were a clear sign of threat to its class interests. For the domestic bourgeoisie it was too risky to bet on some internal dynamics of fading UP’s action out. For imperialists, the issue was explosive, as Chile could show that peoples’ social liberation can happen without being drowned in blood. So they needed to counterattack – as they had done, following an elaborate, multilevel action plan.

The first objective was to overthrow UP from government.
Some major points of this plan become known as it started to get implemented:

  • creating a chaotic situation: this meant systematic paralysis of state institutions, economic sabotage, boycotts, support and reinforcement of fascist gags, for organizing assassinations and spreading terrorism.
  • economy war at the international level: credit restrictions from international and above all the American banks, embargo in copper trading and petrol supply, measures to cause insolvency by currency restrictions, withdrawal of commercial agreements for U.S. exports, especially on copper mining technology and other means of production.

During the same period, Chile, despite renegotiations with foreign creditors, was forced to pay every year 200 million U.S. dollars for external debt payments.

Thus, in the last months of 1971, approximately one year after the election of Allende, the results of this pressure had become visible in Chile’s economy and finances: rise in the cost of living, problems in the supply of products and recession. But the forces of UP, or at least the majority of them, were still having illusions about the possibilities for the government to tackle the economic crisis and the attack of big capital and imperialism, while the country was being kept inside the capitalist framework; they were not politically conscient that there was just one problem behind anything else, and that this problem was getting always more urgent and crucial to solve. "Which class  has the power" is a condensed statement for this problem.

UP’s government had tried to cope with the difficult situation by increasing taxation of the wealthy classes in order to increase state revenue. At the same time, they also appealed on workers for increasing production and productivity of labor.

TO BE CONTINUED

September 11, 2013

Chile, once de Septiembre: imperialism teaches I

The mighty tentative of social liberation using – if not religiously respecting – the control mechanisms enforcing the bourgeois State power, which took place in Chile, yields today in the light of the accumulated historic experience of the four decades passed since Pinochet’s Coup, some bitter yet precious truths. Let us recall some basics of what is often called the “Chile’s experiment”.

 The UNIDAD POPULAR had been created on the initiative of the Communist Party of Chile in 1969. It also comprised the Socialist Party, the Radical Party, the Social Democratic Party, the Popular Unitary Action Movement (MAPU) – since 1972 the MAPU Obrero Campesino (fields laborers) splinter group too – and the Independent Popular Action . Also, since 1971 the Christian Left Party. It initially included the moderate Party of the Radical Left, that later joined opposition. Here you can find what the UP’s founding Pact was like. UP has been also supported by the Central Única de Trabajadores, a National Workers’ Syndicate.

 The leader of the UP was Salvador Allende, a social democrat politician, founding member of the Socialist Party of Chile. Allende had declared that UP struggles for an anti-imperialist, anti-oligarchic government that would replace the House and Senate with a Democratic National Congress. He had been committed to undertaking a large-scale land reform against big landlords and to nationalizing all foreign firms and banks, including the huge U.S. investments in the extremely important for the Chilean economy sector of copper mining.

This program wasn’t meant to challenge capitalist ownership in general; it was meant to be applied by a bourgeois government, under capitalist rule. Nowadays the point mark of this last sentence is only holding the place where ellipsis should be standing…
 The stake was a social-democratic one, in the old sense of the term: take the elections, apply radical reforms, get support at international level by the socialist movement, and gradually manage to put the foundations for a sustainable, truly democratic and socialist society.
 The Communist Party of Chile abandonned its political autonomy, by passing its action exclusively through the thousands of base committees of the UP, where members of all parties of the Front were participating along with masses of people outside parties and decisions had to be unanimous. The converse is also true: the CPC had insisted on subordinating any social struggle and movement to the formal political agreement in the framework of UP’s organizations.

 On September 4 1970, in the first round of the Presidential Elections, the UP got 36,3 % of the vote versus 34,9 % of its adversary. According to the Chilean Constitution, the Congress had to elect the President between the two candidates that led the vote. Yankees were already worried and thinking about alternatives. On October 5 1970, Allende, with the Christian Democrats having voted for him, got 271 votes out of 462, not enough to be elected. 
At the same time, a multi-facet operation for terrorizing the people was being settled:
on 22 October the Chief of Staff, Rene Schneider had been assassinated by fascist gags. He had been an obstacle to conspiracies that were fomenting within the army.
 Finally, on October 24, in the second vote, Allende won 135 to 35 votes and was triumphantly elected. Immediately after his election he declared that any attempt to overthrow him by force of arms would be "crushed by the revolutionary violence of the masses."
 On October 30 Allende announced the composition of a fifteen-member UP government, including three communists and three workers Ministers.
 On November 3, 1970 Salvador Allende took office as President of Chile. In his speech after the swearing-in ceremony he said: "We strive to create a different world, we intend to prove that profound, revolutionary changes can be made.
After the glorious ceremony, Allende had ridden an open car, leading a motorcade proceeding in the streets of the center of Santiago, waving under the cheers of thick croud.
 Shortly after his installation, Allende announced in a massively crowded meeting the nationalization of copper mines and foreign banks.

 It is in this context that the Chilean experiment of “peaceful transition to socialism” started.

TO BE CONTINUED

September 10, 2013

Le ridicule ne tue pas l'impérialisme


L'air des négociations est-il ...De quoi ai-je l'air, comprimé ou compromis?...

August 02, 2013

If you're down an' out...

let the King take care of you!
BONNES VACANCES!!




...jobseekers' bonus track  (sound only)


July 09, 2013

Imperialism can be wistful sometimes

The latest military coup in Egypt stops a slide into one abyss but is hardly a guarantee that it will avoid a future one. A better future will depend on the wisdom of the kind of generals who have not proven to be very wise in the past.
The generals led by chief of the armed forces Abdul Fatah al-Sisi deposed President Mohammed Morsi, the man from the Muslim Brotherhood who was elected only a year ago. His election was the best feature of his rule, which had descended into incompetence and creeping authoritarianism.

Mr. Morsi won the election narrowly over a Mubarak-era political leftover, but he soon reinforced fears that the Brotherhood would use its new power to build an Islamist dictatorship. He tried to claim near-absolute powers by decree to force through a draft constitution written by Islamists and boycotted by everyone else.
The result was political polarization, with the opposition and military uniting against the Brotherhood supporters who were Mr. Morsi's last defenders. The millions of Egyptians who took to the streets were also protesting chronic gas and food shortages and a sinking economy. The uprising shows that the worst fate for Islamists can be to take power and thus be accountable for results. Unlike Iran in 1979, Egypt retains enough competing power centers such as a secular business class and judiciary to prevent an Islamist revolution.
Yet a military coup riding mass protests carries its own risks to future stability. One danger is the reaction of the Brotherhood, which is still the strongest single political party. The secretive group renounced armed struggle in the 1970s. But that could change if its leaders conclude that democracy works for everyone except for them.
Adly Mansour, a judge and interim president sworn in Thursday, called the Brotherhood "part of the nation." But at the same time the military closed down pro-Brotherhood TV stations and put out warrants for the arrest of the party's senior leaders. The Brotherhood is unpopular now, but as memories fade it could return to power with a vengeance if Egypt's next rulers are also unable to fix the country's many problems.
image
Maya Alleruzzo/Associated Press
Mohammed Morsi, the man from the Muslim Brotherhood.
A more hopeful sign is that General Sisi gathered prominent opposition and Coptic Christian and Muslim leaders to announce a new "roadmap" for Egypt's future. The roadmap proposes, among other steps, a broadly representative committee to rewrite the constitution and to form a technocratic government.
General Sisi is also promising new elections, albeit without a timetable. Mohamed ElBaradei, a prominent (and anti-American) secular leader, and the hardline Islamic Salafist Nour Party, a rival to the Brotherhood, have publicly backed the military plan.
The generals don't seem eager to govern directly, especially after they mismanaged the transition after Hosni Mubarak's 2011 ouster until Mr. Morsi's election. Civilians were tried in military courts and abused in custody. As crime worsened and the economy stalled, public ire turned against the generals.
It will do so again without more enlightened leadership that focuses on economic revival and a political transition to a system of checks and balances. Any transition government will no doubt seek money and oil from the Gulf states as well as an early deal with the International Monetary Fund to make up for Egypt's rapidly declining currency reserves.
America can also do more than it has. The Obama Administration has been caught trailing events at every turn, supporting Mr. Mubarak before abruptly throwing him over, and then embracing Mr. Morsi despite his authoritarian turn.
President Obama stayed quiet throughout the latest crisis, finally issuing an anodyne call Wednesday night for "a democratic political order with participation from all sides and all political parties—secular and religious, civilian and military."
Mr. Obama also requested a review of U.S. aid to Egypt, but cutting that off now would be a mistake. Unpopular as America is in Egypt, $1.3 billion in annual military aid buys access with the generals. U.S. support for Cairo is written into the Camp David peace accords with Israel. Washington can also do more to help Egypt gain access to markets, international loans and investment capital. The U.S. now has a second chance to use its leverage to shape a better outcome.


Egyptians would be lucky if their new ruling generals turn out to be in the mold of Chile's Augusto Pinochet, who took power amid chaos but hired free-market reformers and midwifed a transition to democracy. If General Sisi merely tries to restore the old Mubarak order, he will eventually suffer Mr. Morsi's fate.